On a grey morning during the monsoon of 1976, the small town of McLeod
Ganj, or at least the Tibetan part of it, experienced a curious upheaval.
The event had everyone out in the small bus-stand, which is also the surrogate
town square, and where every New Year's day the Toepa (Western Tibetan)
men and women perform their Navaho-like round dances, shufžing and stamping
their feet to the dull beat of a single drum. That morning the crowd at
the bus-stand was not in a celebratory mood; the women were howling with
all the zeal of professional Chinese mourners, while the men were running
around bellowing like lunatics. The cause of the disturbance was not physical,
like an earthquake, which the area is somewhat prone to, nor social or
political, like the communal riot we had some years ago. A psychologist
might say that it originated from "the dark, inaccessible part"
(to borrow from Freud's definition of the id) of the Tibetan mind. The
only parallel I can draw, off hand, is the "dancing mania" that
gripped a number of towns and villages in medieval Europe after the Black
Death.
One of the most widespread and persistent
of phobias that Tibetans have had in the past about travelling to "the
great Indian plains" (gya-thang or gya-ding) was of being abducted
and having their "human-oil" (mi-num) squeezed out of them.
The extraction process was explained to me by a geshe (doctor of divinity)
from Drepung monastery, when the two of us arrived at the Indian town
of Siliguri from Kalimpong. Geshe L... was a heavily-built man of around
fifty years of age, quite learned, in the traditional sense, yet fairly
open-minded as well. As we boarded a cycle-rickshaw and were pedalled
away to the New Jalpaiguri railway station by a skinny, hollow-cheeked
rickshaw-wallah, geshe la appeared ill-at-ease. He turned to me and asked
whether I had heard of any "human oil" squeezers operating in
the town. I insisted that those old stories were absurd and completely
without foundation. But he was not reassured, and seemed to regard my
attitude not only as frivolous but dangerously naive as well. He patiently
explained things to me. It appeared that in most cases of "human
oil" abductions, the victim was first rendered helpless by a drug
slipped into a drink or a cigarette. He was then taken to some lonely
warehouse or shed where he was stripped naked and hung upside down from
the rafters over a low fire. Gradually, he would begin to drip fat
in the manner of a roasting pig which was collected in a pan underneath,
and later bottled, or whatever.
I came to understand from an uncle of mine
that the "human oil" scare had been especially prevalent among
Tibetans during World War II. At that time, an unprecedented number of
Tibetan merchants, traders and muleteers travelled to India to buy consumer
goods to sell, at huge profits, in South Western China, where the Nationalist
Government was still holding out against the Japanese. The belief among
Tibetans then seemed to be that "human oil" was a vital ingredient
in a miracle-drug the Allies had discovered for healing battle wounds.
An interesting cachet to this story was that in the interests of the war
effort there was an official policy of turning a blind eye to such abductions.
Even after settling down in India as refugees,
Tibetans never quite lost their fear of "human oil" squeezers
and one would hear references to it now and again in conversations with
older Tibetans. The story gained a surprising revival in Dharamshala around
the time of Mrs. Gandhi's "Emergency". Whether the unhealthy
political climate of repression and rumours contributed to the revival
is debatable, but the subsequent events in Dharamshala seemed somehow
not out of place in the nervous mood of the country at the time. In McLeod
Ganj, deliberations and speculations on the "human oil" issue
emanated, on the whole, from three different sources. The opinion at Crazy
Horse's (Samdup's) Noodle Palace favoured the conclusion that India's
new aircraft carrier was fuelled by "human oil". The nuclear
option prevailed at the Kokonor Restaurant, where there was a clear consensus
on the theory that "human oil" had been the critical factor
in the success of India's then recent, and first, nuclear test. The conversation
at the Last Chance Tea Shop was the least imaginative, never rising beyond
hesitant conjectures on "human oil" as fuel for India's namdru,
or aeroplanes.
Around that time, Mrs.Gandhi's somewhat
draconian Family Planning programme was being implemented, and stories
were rife of entire Indian communities being forcibly sterilised by over-zealous
officials trying to meet birth control quotas. In the Tibetan exile society
these got mixed up with the older "human oil" story, and contributed
to a growing paranoia about officially abetted abductions. Rumours about
kidnappings not only began to proliferate but sprouted details that were
quite specific and authentic sounding. One was that the abductors always
arrived in a jeep with a red žag, which was the signal for the police
and local officials to look the other way.
Then, one day, a small disturbance occurred
just outside McLeod Ganj, which in a way was a harbinger of the "curious
upheaval" I mentioned at the beginning of this article. A monk taking
a walk from the town to the Tibetan Children's Village (TCV) encountered
a group of Indians on the road. At this time of the year Dharamsala is
filled with yatris, pilgrims, visiting Hindu holy sites around the area.
These pilgrims generally wear red headbands or carry red žags as tokens
of their faith. This particular group of Indians on the McLeod -TCV road
started to shout and whistle (in the noisy exuberant way of Indian pilgrims)
to some of their friends on the road below. The monk, who was somewhat
corpulent, suspected the worst and žed back to McLeod Ganj, where his
breathless account of red žags and near abduction immediately circulated
throughout the town, sending a frisson of apprehension through it.
Two days later, on a somewhat overcast
day, I was hanging about the bus stand at the air-gun stall that once
stood just by the intersection of the two roads, one leading to the Tibetan
Children's Village and the other to the nearby village of Forsyth Bazaar
then continues on to Lower Dharamshala. The stall holder and I
were having a chat when a few Tibetans from Forsyth Bazaar walked by.
They were hailed by a McLeod Ganj Tibetan. The subsequent conversation
went something like this:
McLeod Tibetan: "Hey! Where are you
all going?"
Forsyth Tibetan 1: "We're going back
to Phosa Baza (Forsyth Bazaar)"
McLeod Tibetan (gravely): "Youd
better be careful. These days people are being grabbed and taken away,
just like that. There's this jeep with a red žag that comes along, and
then there's nothing you can do about it."
Forsyth Tibetan 1: "We heard something
like that."
Forsyth Tibetan 2 (worried): "Wed
better rush back, our children are alone at home."
McLeod Tibetan: "You do that. Someone
told me that there was a jeep full of Indians this morning at Phosa Baza.
He thinks the jeep may have had a red žag stuck at the front."
The group from Forsyth Bazaar quickly walked
off down the road. The McLeod Tibetan hurried towards the main street.
I couldn't swear it was him but the next minute there was this outcry
"Where's our children?".
Another voice pitched in, "The children
have been taken!"
It was absolute chaos after that.
In a surprisingly short time, the bus-stand
was filled with panic-stricken Tibetans. The women were the noisiest,
screaming at the men to do something, and crying and howling as if it
were judgement day. The men rushed around shouting threats and curses.
I remember one man in particular, a self-important but simple fellow whom
a friend of mine had rather facetiously named "Dhonchoe" (an
official term for the Dalai Lama's representative), since he loved bustling
about in public gatherings, looking busy and important. That day he was
running up and down the main street brandishing a long and wicked-looking
Tibetan dagger, all the while shouting ferociously:
"Where are they? Where are they?"
I assume he meant the abductors.
A few female hippies were in the crowd
with some old amalas. All of them were weeping copiously. One old granny
was holding a yappy little apso that was adding its share of noise to
the general cacophony. A rather brainless German girl I knew spotted me
and came over howling,
"Save the children! Save them!"
I'm afraid I laughed out loud. Some people
in the crowd turned on me.
"How can you laugh?
Our children
abducted ... etc."
I tried to explain how mistaken they were
but got nowhere. Fortunately there was a timely distraction; someone in
the crowd had the sense enough to suggest that they check the local day-school
where the very young children of McLeod Ganj studied. Everybody surged
down the street to the small two-room school. The old monk teacher was
rudely woken up from his nap. He had given the kids the day off and most
of them had gone off to play. finally, the children were rounded up. In
fact, quite a few of them had been in the crowd all along, shouting and
enjoying themselves.
The older children attended the Tibetan
Children's Village (TCV) school some miles away. One of the self-appointed
leaders of the crowd, a local politician of unbelievable shallowness of
intellect and character, then led everyone to the Tibetan Women's Handicraft
Centre which had a telephone. The TCV principal was called and the demand
made for an immediate inspection to see if any McLeod Ganj students were
missing. After a lengthy altercation, the principal managed to persuade
the caller that all the children were present and accounted for. But our
representative wasn't done yet. He began to make noisy demands that the
TCV provide motor transport and an escort for the town children when they
returned home after school. But the principal terminated the conversation
at that point.
That evening a large escort of parents,
all armed to the teeth, brought their children home from school. A duty
roster was drawn up and for the next few days two or three McLeod men,
armed with knives and cudgels, accompanied the town children on their
way to and from school. After a few days the men got tired of this task,
or it probably dawned on them that there had never been a threat in the
first place, for the escort was discontinued and the children went their
own way to school, free and unattended as usual.
I did not then regard this incident as
being of any significance. I thought such shortcomings in our society
would gradually disappear with education and entry into the modern world.
That was twenty years ago. Every year since then we seem to be going backwards.
In his opening statement at the famous Scopes "Monkey" trial
in Tennessee in 1925, Clarence Darrow warned: We are marching backwards
to the glorious age of the sixteenth century when bigots lighted faggots
to burn men who dared to bring any intelligence and enlightment and culture
to the human mind. We arent burning people in Dharamshala
yet but the evidence shows we are moving in that direction.
In 1996 a man was set upon by a McLeod Ganj mob. Only the timely arrival
of the Indian police saved him from something worse than the beating he
received. His crime? During a conversation with a friend he had jokingly
remarked that even the Dalai Lama would not have been able to stop the
rain (It was monsoon time again). An old amala overheard him and raised
the alarm. Last monsoon too (1998) we had another little "upheaval".
Holidaying tourists leaving the Mcllo beer-bar late one night were
treated to the sight of groups of sleepy-eyed Tibetans in various states
of déshabille (but armed with knives and cudgels) wandering confusedly
about the streets of McLeod Ganj. They had been roused from their slumber
to fight off a supposed invasion of Shugden worshippers.
It is not an original observation that traditional cultures disrupted
by the advance of modern industrial and materialistic culture, or some
other traumatic change, invariably seek recourse in magic, superstition
and fundamentalism for a solution. Every such threatened community probably
goes about it in its own distinctive way, but sometimes interesting coincidences
occur.
When the writer, Nicholas Shakespeare, was travelling in the town of Ayacucho
in Peru in 1987 he came across a widespread belief among the Indian population
surprisingly similar to the Tibetan "human oil" fear. The Indians
believed that "human grease" was rendered from Indian victims
by a sinister character known as a pistaco. In fact, Shakespeare himself
seems to have been suspected by the locals of being a pistaco and suffered
some bad moments without quite understanding why. finally, in the local
paper Ahora!, he read an article "Ayacucho lives in terror",
and from it he learned that "... a pistaco was a tall white foreigner
who slept by day, drank a lot of milk and carried a long white knife under
his coat. He used the knife to cut up Indians. He chopped off heads and
limbs, and kept their trunks for the human grease with which he oiled
his machines. Europe's industrial revolution had been lubricated with
the lard made from helpless Indians. So had the Vietnam and Korean wars.
The space shuttle Challenger, he learned, had blown up because it lacked
this 'aceite humano'." ("In Pursuit of Guzman", in The
Best of Granta Travel)
Shakespeare also learned what happened
to the last white man who visited Ayacucho. "He was set on by a crowd.
His head was crushed by stones, because you cannot shoot a pistaco, and
his eyes were pulled out by hand. His body was dragged through the town
until the bones showed." He had only been a commercial traveller.
In a reference to pistaco, from as early
as 1571, it is mentioned that the Indians believed that an ointment from
the bodies of the Indians had been sent for from Spain to cure a disease
for which there was no medicine there. A university lecturer told Shakespeare
that the myth was the Indian way of explaining the Spanish domination,
and that the present manifestation was not organized but spontaneous:
the community, under fire from both the military and Sendero (the Maoist,
Shining Path guerrillas), had turned against all.
On the other side of the globe, another
group of similarly threatened people try to understand the relentless
advance of modern technological materialism through the inadequate medium
of a traditional world view. Eric Hansen, (Stranger in the Forest) when
walking across Borneo, was mistaken for a bali saleng, or a collector
of blood offerings for coastal construction projects. A bali saleng has
a special set of spring-powered shoes that enables him to jump four metres
in the air and ten metres away in a single leap. He can spring through
the air to cover long distances quickly and capture people by surprise.
After tying up his victim with strips of rattan, he takes the blood from
the wrist or the foot with a small knife and a rubber pump. Hansen was
attacked by villagers in the jungle and nearly killed. Only when they
searched his pack for spring-powered shoes or a rubber pump and didn't
find them, was he reluctantly released.